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 (bē-ăf′rə, -ä′frə)
A region of southern Nigeria on the Bight of Biafra, an arm of the Gulf of Guinea stretching from the Niger River delta to northern Gabon. It formed a secessionist state from May 1967 to January 1970.

Bi·a′fran adj. & n.


1. (Placename) a region of E Nigeria, formerly a local government region: seceded as an independent republic (1967–70) during the Civil War, but defeated by Nigerian government forces
2. (Placename) Bight of Biafra former name (until 1975) of (the Bight of) Bonny


(biˈɑ frə)

1. a former secessionist state (1967–70) in SE Nigeria, in W Africa. Cap.: Enugu.
2. Bight of, a wide bay in the E part of the Gulf of Guinea off the W coast of Africa.
Bi•a′fran, adj., n.


[bɪˈæfrə] NBiafra f


n (Hist) → Biafra nt
References in periodicals archive ?
He told journalists: "The entity known as Indigenous People of Biafra is defined as the remnants of the Biafrans and their descendants who were not consumed in the war"--meaning the 1967-70 war.
Mr Agbola, 38, said a new generation of Biafrans were now peacefully calling for an independent Biafra.
Omaka provides us with a close reading of the steps taken to establish aid for Biafrans during and after the conflict.
Cold War geopolitics played a considerable role in rallying states (and subsequent arms provisions) either around the Nigerian federal government (thus resisting secessionism and African post-colonial state fragmentation), or around the Biafran self-declared state and the leader of the rebellion Chukweumeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (thus legitimizing claims of Biafrans, even though for controversial and varied reasons).
However, the author insists on blaming the Federal Government of Nigeria for the horrendous plight of Biafrans that resulted from this impasse.
The Biafrans even bought up double-barreled shotguns from Spanish makers.
In the latter conflict, the secessionist Biafrans managed to operate not only combat aircraft, but also succeeded in organizing--with the aid of foreign sympathizers and international aid organizations--a de facto strategic airlift to circumvent the blockade that the Nigerian government had imposed on the rebellious region.
Biafrans held 80 percent of Nigeria's oil reserves so international community and multinationals took great interest in Nigeria's civil war.
The Biafrans also built massive 5m-gallon concrete fuel bunkers and were able to maintain the supply of water and electricity, traffic on the railway, and broadcasting services.
The fact that his battle for Biafra coincided exactly with the geopolitical support de Gaulle's government was then giving to the Biafrans (against the support given to Nigeria by Britain and America) did not bother him.
Part of the book's chilling quality comes from the almost seamless way people move from thinking of themselves as Nigerians to thinking of themselves as Biafrans.
In the case of Biafra, it was churches deciding (not Johnson by himself) that food should not be a weapon of war, and sanctions that starved millions of women and children were unacceptable, especially since most Biafrans were Christians who looked to their churches' international aid for help.