Middle Chinese


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Middle Chinese

n.
The Chinese language as used in the Tang dynasty (618-907), whose pronunciation is known from systematic descriptions in dictionaries and scholarly works from the Tang, Song, and later dynasties, and from the comparison of modern varieties of Chinese. Middle Chinese is the source of loanwords in Korean and Vietnamese and the largest group of Chinese loanwords in Japanese.

Mid′dle Chinese′


n.
the Chinese language of the 7th and 8th centuries A.D. Abbr.: MChin
References in periodicals archive ?
Koguryo, the Language of Japan's Continental Relatives: An Introduction to the Historical-comparative Study of the Japanese-Koguryoic Languages with a Preliminary Description of Archaic Northeastern Middle Chinese.
Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin.
The difference in pronunciation between [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'north', Middle Chinese *pok, and [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'the back', Middle Chinese, *pojH, is due to morphology: both words are based on an Old Chinese verb root *[.
Moreover, reconstructing an *n as the root initial of [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] solves an additional problem: one character in which [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] occurs as phonetic, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] 'to smile', has initial sy- in Middle Chinese; but while Middle Chinese sy- never derives from Old Chinese s-, it is the regular outcome of Old Chinese [.
He retains yod for Middle Chinese but has not ventured to publish an account of how his supposed Old Chinese short vowels could have spontaneously diphthongized in this way.
According to this hypothesis, in the transition from Old to Early Middle Chinese, which must have taken place during Han times when the Middle Chinese tonal system was taking shape (Haudricourt 1954a, b, Pulleyblank 1962, 1964, 1973, 1978), a high central vowel -i- was inserted after the onset in Type B syllables, sometimes fronting to -i- or rounding to -u- depending on the environment (Pulleyblank 1984, 1994).
he goes on to complain of a lack of "vollkommene Paronomasie" in these, his own incorrect forms; and then shifts the discussion to Pulleyblank's Middle Chinese reconstructions, [cwi.
Having come this far, it is also impossible to avoid the embarrassing but entirely relevant question of what Middle Chinese reconstructions, whether Pulleyblank's or Baxter's or Karlgren's, are doing in W's commentaries on this Han text in the first place.
A good example of a Han transcription that shows both Old Chinese *r > Middle Chinese *1 and Modern Chinese l-, corresponding to foreign -r-, and Old Chinese *1 > Middle Chinese *j- corresponding to foreign -/- is the name Wuyishanli EMC jik sein lia, long accepted as equivalent to the name Alexandria (not the great metropolis in Egypt but one of the other cities by this name founded by Alexander in present Afghanistan).
His phonetic interpretation of this framework is, however, based on his guesses as to how foreign sounds in languages as dead as Middle Chinese, even though written in alphabetic scripts, would have sounded to a Chinese ear, or vice versa, without any clearly articulated theory as to the internal organization of the Chinese phonological system at the relevant time and place.
Compare, for example, ji (Grade IV) and gui (Grade III), both in the zhi rhyme category in the Qieyun and, except for the tone, reconstructed in the same way, namely kjwi, in Karlgren's Middle Chinese system.
The development of OC *shr- in *shre to the affricate ts'- in Middle Chinese is similar to that of OC *shn- to MC *ts'-; consider the following group:

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