pied-piping

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pied-piping

n
(Grammar) transformational grammar the principle that a noun phrase may take with it the rest of a prepositional phrase or a larger noun phrase in which it is contained, when moved in a transformation. For example, when the interrogative pronoun is moved to initial position, other words are moved too, as in to whom did you speak?
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It is widely known that topicalization structures and wh-movement structures (also referred to as focalization structures) have been analysed within generative theory ever since the Government & Binding era as structures where a constituent--a direct object nominal in the examples in (2)--is moved from its original position within the VP up into the Spec position of the Complementizer Phrase introducing the overall sequence.
Sub agency Principle is the another constraint on wh-movement which states that a single instance of -movement (whether from D-structure position to spec-CP or from one spec-CP to another) can cross only one bounding node Where IP or NP are bounding nodes in English.
Extending the transformational paradigm to wh-interrogatives where a wh-expression like what is involved, the interrogative clause was analysed as a derivative of two distinct transformational operations: Tense dislocation and wh-movement (Chomsky 1977).
The problem of pied piping is that sometimes a constituent that is not expected to be able to undergo wh-movement is in fact able to do so.
Both frameworks are represented in the present volume: King's analysis of preposition stranding builds on generative concepts such as subjacency effects and wh-movement, whereas Berthele's paper uses typological insights on verb-framed vs.
Within a Minimalist framework (Chomsky 1995), it will be argued that the contrasts existing between restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses can be explained by positing that restrictive wh-items--excepting pied-piped elements--raise to the C head within CP, while Wh-movement in non-restrictive relatives is movement to [Spec,CP].
Within a generative framework, we will argue that a strategy allowing a minimum of effort seems to prevent Old English infinitives from assigning or rather checking their (accusative) Case against an actually realized DP in case a lexical antecedent for the latter can be found in the matrix clause, a situation which would apply without the concurrence of Wh-movement.
More recently, wh-movement is said to be triggered by an optional Edge feature that the relevant head- i.
A characteristic example of (5) would be the wh-movement of a wh-phrase like which candies in (6), where which candies is dislocated from its initial point of merge at vP-object position, thus being re-merged in the initial position of the embedded clause, namely the grammatical object [beta]:
A sampling of topics: the acquisition of passive structures in Russian children with specific language impairment; the semantics of the Slovenian dual; the incompatibility of multiple WH-movement with left-branch extraction in Serbo-Croatian; telicity as a semantic parameter; non-agreement, unaccusativity, and the external argument constraint; direction of cliticization in Macedonian; phrasal and clausal comparatives; a theory of the grammatical use of lexical information; early root nonfinites and the acquisition of finiteness in child grammar as evidenced in early child Slovenian; gender transparency facilitates noun selection in Russian; and the categorical status of quantifiers in Bulgarian--evidence for DP over QP.
This suggests very strongly that sluicing is not fed by wh-movement, even though much of the literature suggests otherwise, since wh-movement in Dutch does not allow for preposition stranding, except when the wh-word is also an R-word: waar.
The results show consistent and significant effects for the wh-movement constraints tested: superiority and discourse-linking.