The economic history of the antebellum South suggests that nonslaveholding
whites were not beneficiaries of chattel slavery (Hummel 1996, 2012; Wright 2017).
In particular, he draws attention to the participation in the debate of nonslaveholding
Southerners and suggests that their Confederate nationalism trumped fears about emancipation's cost to the local elite.
In fact, Helper concluded, slavery actively oppressed nonslaveholding
whites by devaluing their labour and keeping them impoverished, ignorant, degraded, and without future prospects.
Monroe's handling of the Missouri Crisis was not merely an articulation of a politics "above" parties; his studied pragmatism also reflected a deep strategic understanding of the consequences that would be wrought if a party schism pitting slaveholding against nonslaveholding
states emerged from an unsatisfactory settlement of the standoff.
(277) Finally, after two painful weeks of talk, a vote of 110 yeas to 69 nays signaled the "sense" of the conference that Bishop Andrew must "'desist from the exercise of his office' so long as he remained 'connected with slavery." (278) All but one of the affirmative votes came from nonslaveholding
local jurisdictions, and seventy-five percent of the negative votes came from slaveholding counterparts.
While Martha's training in a slaveholding family might have been enough to make comparisons between herself and a slave unthinkable, she was nonetheless a girl in a foreign, nonslaveholding
country--one that was seized with ideas of liberty and where Sally was legally free.
Abolitionists had already discovered that they could reconceptualize the information from such ads so that they functioned no longer as respectable, conventional notices of slaveholders seeking lost property, addressing other likeminded readers, or, if brought to a nonslaveholding
readership, as exotic or troubling announcements, news from some other world.
While issues such as opposition to integration and resistance to voting rights for Blacks are synonymous with southern politics, Klarman (1995) points out that "[as] one close student of postbellum Northern race relations [put]s it, the moral tone provided to the War by Lincoln's emancipation policy 'only dented the shell of anti-Negro sentiment in the north.' Thus, in the former nonslaveholding
states, support for school integration in the early postbellum period was confined to New England and the upper Midwest, as well as cities and towns in the lower North states, such as Cleveland and Chicago, where schools had long been integrated notwithstanding state laws permitting segregation" (Retrieved September 15, 2006 from Westlaw; Hager, 1957, 60).
farmers and craftsmen had self-interested reasons for supporting the Confederacy.
She points out that various definitions of the yeomanry have been presented over the years, ranging from nonslaveholding
farmers to small slaveholding ones.
Abolitionists argued that the slave system degraded nonslaveholding
whites by impairing their ability to find work at livable wages.
She follows the discussion of these nineteenth-century proslavery novels with their historical context in a chapter titled "The Background that Belies the Myth: The Historical Record that Helps Explain the Preponderance of Nonslaveholding
Proslavery Women Authors." As the title indicates, the majority of the female anti-Uncle Tom novelists were not slaveholders.