The political Sanhedrin tended to be Sadducean
, while the religious Sanhedrin, after some vicissitudes, had developed into a predominantly Pharisean body under the preserve of the rabbis.
He also insisted that Jesus was the victim of his Roman executors and his cowardly Sadducean
Schiffman sees the authorship of this document as probably Sadducean
and originating in the earliest days of the sect (Schiffman 1989:252), but it is recognisable that the document is composite.
16:13: "He shall put the incense on the fire so that the cloud of the incense screens the cover that is over the Ark." The Tosefta first gives the Sadducean
interpretation and then the Pharisaic proof accompanied by a rebuttal of the Sadducean
W.'s exacting analysis demonstrates the insights that can come from a careful reading of Talmudic texts and substantiates his claim that the Pharisaic innovations gradually prevailed over the outdated Sadducean
interpretations and practices.
I had originally translated here "ancestors" and "Sadducean
women," but am persuaded by Fonrobert that the father/daughter relation is very important to the text.
Most of the Kohanim belonged to the Sadduccean party and conducted their rituals according to Sadducean
custom, despite the objections of the sages (who applied to some of them the verse of Proverb 10:7, "The name of the wicket will rot" (Mishnah Yoma, 3:11).
The Romans chose to administer Judaea indirectly, through the Sadducean
This text should possibly not be pressed to indicate the absolute exclusion of the existence of non-material entities apart from God, since the Pentateuch, which the Sadducees held as authoritative, includes appearances of angels.(38) This element of Sadducean
conservatism appears to indicate resistance against the developed angelology and demonology of the post-exilic period, which would naturally have extended to reluctance over associated emphases in religious practice, including exorcism.
Gibson is in line with Josephus in his portrayal of Jesus' Sadducean
1-16), "The Dead Sea Scrolls and Early Christianity" (17-40), "The Aramaic 'Son of God' Text from Qumran Cave 4 (4Q246)" (41-62), "The Background of 'Son of God' as a Title for Jesus" (63-72), "Qumran Messianism" (73-110), "A Palestinian Jewish Collection of Beatitudes" (111-18), "Aramaic Evidence Affecting the Interpretation of Hosanna in the New Testament" (119-31), "The Significance of the Qumran Tobit Texts for the Study of Tobit" (132-58), "The Qumran Texts of Tobit" (152-236), "The Aramaic Levi Document" (237-48), "The Qumran Community: Essene or Sadducean
?" (249-60), and "The Gathering In of the Teacher of the Community" (261-65).
belief was too far removed from the Pharisees to be comprehensible to budding Christians who shared with the Pharisees a belief in the afterlife (hence the resurrection as a Pharisee-sanctified possibility, which Paul specifically argues for in Acts, to say nothing of his self-identification as a Pharisee).