Minority Threat Hypothesis and NYPD Stop and Frisk
I tried to provide perspective on how stop and frisk
can create a wedge between police and community when it's used in an unconstitutional manner," de Blasio said.
The authors argue for allowing stop and frisk
to continue, but they also give suggestions on how to prevent racially discriminatory practices.
54 percent of Stop and Frisk
instances involved black people while Hispanics accounted for 29 percent.
Stop and frisk
offers an exception to the warrant requirement, allowing police officers to interrogate any person for whom there is a reasonable belief that he or she is engaging in criminal behavior.
Under the settlement, the NYPD will continue to stop and frisk
people, which the Supreme Court has said is permitted under the Fourth Amendment when police reasonably suspect someone is involved in criminal activity and (for the pat-down) that he is armed.
De Blasio's predecessor Michael Bloomberg and his GOP election opponent Joe Lhota strongly defended stop and frisk
, arguing that it helps reduce the crime rate.
While violent crimes fell 29 percent in New York City from 2001 to 2010, other large cities experienced larger violent crime declines without relying on stop and frisk
abuses: 59 percent in Los Angeles, 56 percent in New Orleans, 49 percent in Dallas, and 37 percent in Baltimore (NYCLU, 2013, para.
Over and over, de Blasio stressed that Bratton will try to continue the city's record public safety gains while improving police-community relations, which he said he believes have been strained by the police tactic known as stop and frisk
The court ruling against stop and frisk
differs from, say, a demonstration by social activists.
But federal judge Shira Sheindlin ruled that stop and frisk
were unconstitutional as they 'encouraged the targeting of young black and Hispanic men based on their prevalence in local crime complaints'.
Even so, public outcry is rising in opposition to one of Kelly's staple policies, stop and frisk