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Related to acrolectal: basilect


The variety of speech that is closest to a standard prestige language, especially in an area in which a creole is spoken. For example, Standard Jamaican English is the acrolect where Jamaican Creole is spoken.

ac′ro·lec′tal adj.
American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. Copyright © 2016 by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.


the most standard form of language
Collins English Dictionary – Complete and Unabridged, 12th Edition 2014 © HarperCollins Publishers 1991, 1994, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2014


(ˈæk rəˌlɛkt)

a variety of a language, esp. a creolized one, that is closest to the standard form of the language on which it is based.
[1960–65; acro- + (dia) lect]
ac`ro•lec′tal, adj.
Random House Kernerman Webster's College Dictionary, © 2010 K Dictionaries Ltd. Copyright 2005, 1997, 1991 by Random House, Inc. All rights reserved.
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It is nonetheless closer to basilectal Patwa than the more acrolectal Patwa that leans toward Standard Jamaican English in the songs of other artists, such as Bob Marley, for example.
Fuchs explains that it is difficult to estimate the number of languages spoken in India, but comments that acrolectal IndE has "a remarkable degree of uniformity" (Fuchs, 2016: 11) despite the number of first languages (L1s) and the possible variation one might expect this to result in.
He distinguishes four varieties: Variety I exhibits a high degree of transfer from the mother tongue features, especially in phonology and vocabulary; Variety II is close to the SBE in syntax but with deviant phonological and lexical characteristics; Variety III is much closer to SBE and "represents the acrolectal use of English in Nigeria" (Banjo 1996: 78); while Variety IV is marked with completeness.
In my opinion, the most innovative articles are the two analyses (both based on the ICE-JA corpus) that focus on the development of Jamaican English (acrolectal) in relatively formal contexts.
in positions usually requiring the subjunctive in historical varieties, Schilling-Estes and Wolfram (1994: 281-282) decided that these tokens should be counted as indicative forms rather than relics of the subjunctive for the three following reasons: (a) the weren't forms were used by islanders who also resorted to nonstandard weren't in clearly indicative contexts, (b) the contexts in which were would have been the expected form these speakers used was instead, (c) half of the weren't forms that could have been subjunctives occurred in the speech of the one most basilectal speaker; it is indeed highly unlikely that such a speaker would be using forms typical of only the most acrolectal varieties of Standard English.
What is unusual and interesting about the creole continuum is that there is a spectrum of speech varieties ranging from the conservative creole (the basilect), to the intermediate creolized varieties (the mesolect), to the standard variety of English (the acrolect), a phenomenon which gives rise to a great deal of linguistic fluidity, that is, any variable, whether it be phonological, morphological, or syntactic, can have as its variants, features that are identifiable with the conservative creole variety (basilectal features), features identified with the Standard English variety (acrolectal), and several other intermediate variants diagnostic of the mid-range zone of the continuum (mesolectal features).
The argument is made that Black people who are, by whatever method of acquisition, fluent in their ability to perform "ideally" in Euro-American Acrolectal English(1) or what is more commonly called Standard American English (SAE), do not cease being "Black".
K and T address the issue of the reliability of Jenkins' data which show interferences of more acrolectal and more basilectal features.
The small amount--newspaper reviews apart--of critical writing so far devoted to Chamoiseau's work(4) has focused almost exclusively on the language in which his fiction is written: a highly distinctive fusion of French and creole, dubbed "francais-banane" by Martinican critics hostile to Chamoiseau,(5) which seeks systematically to inhabit, invest and exploit the interlectal space that has opened up between acrolectal French and basilectal creole in the French West Indies in the four and a half decades since departmentalization.