Thus, the generalization that OE dare is only attested with the bare infinitive
still holds (cf.
The verb dare, as well as most Present-Day English modal verbs (other than will), is considered a special verb because of its preterite-present morphology, the defective paradigm, the selection of bare infinitive
(henceforth, BI) complementation, the lack of a third person singular--p ending and of participles.
women and twenty-three Kids his bare infinitive
didn't die alone I
(1) In this type of constructions, the infinitive occurs in the complement of verbs and, depending on the verb, it may be either marked (+TO), i.e., a to-infinitive, or unmarked (-TO), i.e., a bare infinitive
. In Present-Day English the bare infinitive
complementation is exclusively restricted to the following types of verbs: (a) verbs of coercive meaning (have, let, make); (b) perceptual verbs of seeing and hearing (feel, hear, notice, observe, overhear, see, watch); (c) a residual class comprising the verbs help and know (Quirk et al.
Callies's findings state that the bare infinitive
construction is used more often in transitive verbs by English speakers in spoken language.
Duffley (1992) further argues that to requires the bare infinitive
to be placed after something.
The Spanish of the southwestern United States employs a unique bilingual verb paradigm containing the auxiliary hacer (do) with an English bare infinitive
. The discourse motivators for this construction follow what has been reported by other scholars on language contact (e.g.
Here, he originally used causative don followed by a bare infinitive
in four sentences in rapid succession.
In ICAMET the verb DARE is always accompanied by a bare infinitive
(and in Middle English in general, cf.
First, she notes that, unlike the prevailing tendency in ME and E1, by E3 the bare infinitive
is five times as frequent as the to-infinitive.
This is in line with the fact that in adult English, the bare infinitive
is marked for the feature [+perfective], which renders it incompatible with progressive interpretation (see Giorgi and Pianesi 1997).
These assumptions will allow me to explain their differences and similarities not only with indicative and subjunctive sentential complements but also with other non-finite forms such as -ing participle clauses and the bare infinitive
. The feature analysis that is defended here, together with the prepositional nature of the particle to, will also help account for some relevant contrasts between English and Spanish in these constructions.