But seeing at the same time the depth of our longing for immortality, and its deep effect on nonphilosophic
reasoning, the impossibility of a genuinely rational politics became manifest to the Socratic.
Accordingly, the Straussian agenda is more properly understood as a double game: on the one hand, encouraging the preservation of what is healthiest in the contemporary regime and its intellectual and imaginative resources through a rhetoric meant to appeal to ordinary, nonphilosophic citizens; on the other hand, to provide a path for more thoughtful readers to attain philosophic distance on the prejudices that underlie and are inculcated by the contemporary regime.
Gadamer's hermeneutics fosters an openness to transformation by what is strange in the text, which Straussians seem to lose once they have been born again, "free" from nonphilosophic prejudice.
What Velkley describes as "philosophic eros" seems to differ from the nonphilosophic
insofar as in the former this openness becomes the primary concern.
As a political theory, Libertarianism is a coalition of adherents from all manner of philosophic (or nonphilosophic
) positions: including emotivism, hedonism, Kantian a priorism, and many others.
Christian thinkers from the time of the Greek fathers have held that men may attain philosophic truths by nonphilosophic
Peter Ahrensdorf's The Death of Socrates and the Life of Philosophy demonstrates how the most powerful defense of the philosophic enterprise emerges from sharing in and thinking through the political and religious concerns of Socrates' nonphilosophic
(85) The more careful way to put the point, though, is that even if the philosopher of history can fully transcend his or her particular historical context, the authority of what reason determines, its actual claim on us, is still something that requires a nonphilosophic
kind of discernment that takes our actual historical context into account.
Miriam Galston's penetrating study of Alfarabi, as I understand it, takes as a premise Alfarabi's assumption that such universals are knowable by philosophy.(6) Galston takes this position at the same time that she argues at length for the possibility, in Alfarabi's view, of a kind of nonphilosophic statesman or ruler (in addition to the cunning ruler).
Alfarabi treats political science as knowledge necessary to the first ruler, which Galston translates as supreme ruler.(18) Hence she can distinguish two kinds of political science by distinguishing two kinds of supreme ruler: "it appears that the supreme ruler described in the first account [of political science in the Enumeration of the Sciences and in the Book of Religion] is the nonphilosophic statesman discussed in the opening aphorisms of Fusul Muntaza ah, while the supreme ruler depicted in the repetition is a king equipped with a combination of philosophy and practical wisdom - the Platonic philosopher-king who dominates most of Alfarabi's political writings."(19)
Seeking to understand the truth about the nature of things is not inherently choiceworthy and is worthy of pursuit only to the extent that "it can provide the solid basis for nonphilosophic
Shifts of emphasis within works aimed at distinctive audiences are ably presented and the author concludes that in works prior to the Guide Maimonides has an aim of directing the masses to a more philosophic notion of God, but in this latter work he strives to preserve a nonphilosophic
notion of God as the subsoil of revealed religion (p.